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This book argues that the mainstream definitions of corruption, and the key expectations they embed concerning the relationship between corruption, democracy, and the process of democratization, require reexamination. Even critics, who did not take the stable institutions and legal clarity of veteran democracies as a cure-all, assumed that the process of widening the influence on government decision making and implementation allows non-elites to defend their interests, define the acceptable sources and uses of wealth, and demand government accountability. This had proved correct, especially insofar as ‘petty corruption’ is involved. But the assumption that corruption necessarily involves the evasion of democratic principles and a ‘market approach’ in which the corrupt seek to maximize profit do not exhaust the possible incentives for corruption, the types of behaviors involved (for obvious reasons, the tendency in the literature is to focus on bribery), or the range of situations that ‘permit’ corruption in democracies. In the effort to identify some of the problems that require recognition, and to offer a more exhaustive alternative, the chapters in this book focus on corruption in democratic settings (including NGOs and the United Nations which were largely so far ignored), while focusing mainly on behaviors other than bribery.
Unlike the vast majority of existing literature on Plato, the main claim of this book is that Liberty constitutes the central notion and preoccupation of his thought, and that indeed his theory of ideas is a theory of liberty. Plato's thought is at once the thought of liberty and a theory of liberation. What is more, this thought of liberty tends to be all-encompassing in the sense that it makes repeated efforts to find both the ideal liberty and the conditions and possibility of its existence in the so-called real (material and phenomenal) world. Hence the emphasis on ontology as the very grounds of his political philosophy and anthropology, as well as on the structural unity of all three. Furthermore, understood from such a perspective, Platonic philosophy appears as primarily an investigation, articulation and establishment of the relationships between the individual and the collective, a relationship which is taken to be the natural, the original and originary framework for any conception and exercise of human liberty, and especially democratic theory and politics. By treating Plato’s philosophy as a continuous effort to find modes and dimensions of liberation in and through different forms of the relationship between the individual and the collective, our hope is not only to engage in the discussion about the meaning of Platonic ontological-political insights on different grounds, but also to provide a different perspective for the evaluation of its relevance for the central contemporary issues and problems regarding liberty, liberation, democracy and politics in general. This book will be an interesting reading for both undergraduate students and experienced scholars and researchers, as well as for the general public interested in philosophy, classics and political theory.
$64 £47 €54
This contribution argues that a long-established social order has been in place since the first stratified societies in the Near Middle East which unavoidably comes with substantial economic, political and environmental repercussions. Part I of the book dissects the various facets of this order, which is termed the social dominance paradigm, while in Part II a fundamentally different order, the peace paradigm, is introduced. The latter rests on real democracy (in the Athenian sense), sustainability and peace. As such, both paradigms function as vehicles for further analysis and research while the peace paradigm also provides a rough plan for the implementation of transformational change. Typically, political, economic, social, and environmental research seeks to increase specialized knowledge. Here, however, the overall intent is to utilize interdisciplinary evidence and connect the dots between a number defining features within seemingly modern societies. The argument is that these are, in fact, not modern at all but follow an ancient template of power, control, and coordination concentrated in the hands of the few. Potentially, this contribution can function as a trans-disciplinary methodological framework as well as an information hub for researchers in the fields of political and social sciences, history, anthropology, evolutionary biology, organization and peace studies. Practitioners who are interested in fundamental social change may also find the issues raised to be of interest. As such, this book provides a generalist, evidence-based discussion of a multi-disciplinary nature that may pique the interest of both experts and amateurs alike.
Julia M. Puaschunder, The New School
Intergenerational responsibility is multi-faceted. This edited volume reflects intergenerational aspects in light of spatial, age and racial segregation, global warming, and the aging Western world population. Intergenerational global governance is addressed in the era of globalization and migration. The intergenerational glue, intergenerational crises resilience strategies and intergenerational responses to external shocks serve as innovative global responsibility implementation guidelines in the international arena. Fostering intergenerational harmony through intergenerational income mobility and intergenerational opportunities, environmental protection and sustainable development aids alleviate the most pressing contemporary challenges of humankind. Overall, this interdisciplinary and applied contribution to the scholarship on intergenerational responsibility supports the leadership and management of global governance agency in the private and public sectors.
The Supreme Court, Cultural Marxism, and the Assault on Christianity
Anthony Walsh, Boise State University
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$61 £50 €58
This book addresses the benefits of Christianity for all, the degradation of our culture since the 1950s, the pernicious effects that cultural Marxism has had on Western cultures, and the loss of religious freedom as the Founders envisioned it due to a number of Supreme Court rulings. We cannot understand the culture war and cultural debasement until we understand cultural Marxism. Cultural Marxism has been "hiding in plain sight" since the 1930 with the immigration to the United States of a cadre of intellectuals from Germany who brought with them the folderol of critical theory, political correctness, gender neutrality, radical feminism, and moral relativism. This intellectual moonshine is designed to weaken family structure and individual morality, and it has worked. The ultimate purpose of cultural Marxism is to destroy Western civilization from within. This goal is clearly and unambiguously stated in their books and articles. In numerous places in these books and articles, cultural Marxists are adamant that if socialism is ever to come to America the two epicenters of Western morality, the family and Christianity, will have to be destroyed by slow, stealthy, and incremental attacks on them. They have been aided in their efforts by anti-Christian rulings by the United States Supreme Court since the 1940s. I do not claim in any sense that the Supreme Court is engaged in a conspiracy with cultural Marxists. Their rulings have been based on a reading of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment that its authors would not recognize, and have used this clause to eviscerate the Free Exercise Clause—America’s “first freedom.” The Court has purged Christianity from the public square, and in doing so it has unwittingly helped the cultural Marxist agenda by spiritually disarming America.